In France, millions of workers have
been on the march in protest at
attacks on pensions and the education system: in Britain, even as Blair's right wing government steps up its offensive against public services and ignores the mounting crisis in the pensions system, our nearest equivalent will be a succession of angry speeches by union leaders from rostrums at this summer's conference round.
Why is the British labour movement so weak in the face of such a relentless attack?
There is little evidence that rank and file union members have anything but contempt for Blair's policies. The recent swing against the right wing in the Communications Workers Union and the strong speculation that Tony Woodley is poised to win the top job in the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) are just the latest in a string of elections to show that no union leader tainted by affiliation to Blairism stands much chance of being elected.
Woodley, no left winger but a sharp operator, dropped timely hints that if elected he might seek membership of the so-called "awkward squad" of union general secretaries. Another sign of the political climate in the unions was that his front-running Blairite rival for the TGWU leadership, Jack Dromey, also tried to distance himself from the government, with attacks on foundation hospitals.
Yet, despite the electoral predominance of the left at the topmost level of the unions, and a steady stream of hard-line speeches criticising government policies - up to and including unprecedented trade union opposition to the war in Iraq - the prevailing line of march is less than radical.
The firefighters have shown tremendous fighting spirit in their pay demands, only to •be told yet again by their leadership that they cannot improve on the miserable deal offered by the employers.
The RMT seems to be backing down in Stalingrad O'Neill redundapeles FOR Con 1ob54servces I RICH the FBU to endorse his retreats from action over firefighters' pay. The RMT Executive has lent its support to a climbdown from action by train crew. UNISON's health service group executive was persuaded by national officers to find a way of manoeuvring support for Agenda For Change -even though only two of the 37-person committee were prepared to vote for the deal without amendment.
These layers in the unions show the continued legacy of weakness inherited from the dark days of defeat during 18 years of Tory rule, the defeatist line of "new realism"
redunda Showing the leaders how to do it: Dudley Hospital workers on strike against privatisation and PFI the challenge facing the left
aspiration among ordinary union members for something better, for a more dynamic solution to the problems they face. But the unions have not yet reconstructed the networks of activists, at workplace, town, regional and national level that can build their confidence and maximise the pressure for action: that is a task that cannot be accomplished from the top down - only the rank and file can drive the process. Of course this raises another decisive weakness: though many British union lead.... ers voice criticisms of Blair and New Labour, most unions are still linked politically to the Labour Party, and the same bureaucrats have opposed moves to cut back on funding or democratise the control of political funds
Here too there are grounds for optimism. The strong support last year for the Socialist Alliance conference to debate the future of union political funds, and the subsequent debates within the FBU and other unions shows that progress is possible - sc ... • union movement is possible! long as a conscious, organised left wing is built within the unions to follow these issues through.
This indeed is the challenge before the British left: can the Socialist Alliance develop and broaden its campaigning, while helping to develop a fighting, active and democratic left wing in the unions which can begin to mount a serious political challenge to the current spineless leaderships?
for many sections of the left this mean a new way of working, -building workplace organisation, strengthening links among activists, and following policy and issues within the unions, rather than simply using union branches as platforms for their own political current's various pet campaigns and projects.
The groundswell of rank and file discontent is already evident: but left leaders without a network of activists to support them -and drive them forward - cannot deliver the goods.
The positive commitment from last month's Socialist Alliance to reach out to a wider section of the working class must therefore connect not only with the layers drawn into activity in the campaigns against the war, but also with trade unions in every town and city.
If we take the initiative to repair the damage done in the last two decades, and build a network of politicised activists that can establish genuine credibility, another trade union movement is possible!