Socialist Resistance

An archive of socialistresistance.org, 2002–2022

Serbia's Prime Minister assassinated The mess the West leaves behind its interventions

 |  Socialist Resistance no5  |  page 16

This is scanned newsprint, not web text. The original PDFs carried no text layer at all, so every word here was read off the page by OCR. Expect dropped opening letters, run-together words and wrong characters. There was no contents page to cut the paper up by, so the articles were found from the size of their headlines: a headline may carry its kicker, and where an article ran beside a boxed panel a few lines of the neighbour can appear. The scanned issue is the authority; this text is here so the words can be found at all.

W estera governments and

media have rushed to shower praise on Zoran Djindjic, recently assassinated Prime Minister of Serbia. Most of the eulogies have ignored or glossed over a central episode in Djindjic's past.

When Slobodan Milosevic was prepared to dump the Bosnian Serbs in order to gain acceptance fror the west as a central pillar of stability in the Balkans he was roundly attacked by Djindjic.

In 1994, on a hill overlooking Sarajevo, Djindjic famously shared a roasted ox with Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic while denouncing NATO bombing and railing against Milosevic's betrayals of the Bosnian Serbs.

Five years later, having taken refuge in Montenegro, Djindjic welcomed NATO's bombing of Serbia.

Zoran Djindjic was certainly no principled opponent of Milosevic. Indeed, what most characterised Djindjic was his complete lack of any principles. Within a few months of his meal with Karadzic he was supporting the Dayton Accords, which allowed the west to ignore Milosevic's responsibilities for the war in Bosnia and weakened Karadzic's position.

Djindjic did not support NATO in 1999 because of any hostility to Milosevic's treatment of Kosova Albanians. Only a few weeks before his death Djindjic was demanding the right to send Serbian troops into Kosova, where Albanian representatives were expressing hostility to the inclusion of Kosova in the new state of SerbiaMontenegro.

The US was even threatening economic sanctions against Serbia if Djindjic carried out his threats, a fact quietly dropped from all the glowing obituaries: After bombing of Belgrade, Milosevic was replaced... by 'Little Slobo'

The media have claimed that Djindjic was murdered by criminal elements linked to Milosevic: that may well be true. However, there is plenty of evidence that Djindjic himself had connections with mafia elements, some of whom may well have been involved in the murders of Milosevic supporters.

Zoran Djindjic had an enormous amount in common with Milosevic. He was undoubtedly vain, arrogant, unscrupulous, double dealing, unprincipled and, above all, hungry for power.

Not surprisingly he was known throughout Serbia as 'Mali Slobo' (Little Slobo).

The growth of organised crime is by no means restricted to Serbia. It has grown dramatically throughout eastern Europe as a result of both the collapse of Stalinist regimes and of western intervention.

In every single state the reintroduction of capitalism has gone hand in hand with massive corruption at every level and the growth of organised crime. And the greater the poverty, the greater the level of organised criminal activity. This is particularly true of Albania, which has seen a huge growth in mafia gangs who have extended their activities throughout western Europe.

The growth of organised crime is not simply a result of economic processes. It also reflects political 'solutions' imposed by the west.

The de facto division of Bosnia, the denial of independence to Kosova and its enforced incorporation Into SerbiaMontenegro have failed to provide any solution to the problems faced by the peoples of the Balkans (and of eastern Europe as a whole).

.Nor is the situation any better in Afghanistan, where the US-imposed government has no real authority outside Kabul. In the countryside rival warlords continue to impose their rule, terrorising the rural population.

These western "solutions' have clear implications for Iraq. The US doesn't have the option of an Iraqi Djindjic since, unlike Djindjic in Serbia, none of the US-financed opposition has any real support inside Iraq, or any record of struggling against the regime.

Nor is there any equivalent in Iraq of the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan: the US is much too distrustful of the Kurds to allow them to fight Saddam independently.

Therefore the US has made it plain that Iraq will be administered by a retired US General, Iraqis will have to wait an indefinite time before they are allowed even the most minimal self-government - and the Kurds can forget about independence altogether.

Just like the Kosova Albanians, Iraqi Kurds will be forced to remain part of another state, denied the right to independence, and especially denied the right to unite all Kurds in a single state.

Whatever solution a victorious US imposes, the people of Iraq will be the losers.

Gangsterism, corruption and the suppression of national rights will be the result of an American victory - just like in the Balkans and Afghanistan. the paper does not back the militant nationalist armed

ST For the first time ever most British unions oppose an imperialist war