Socialist Resistance

An archive of socialistresistance.org, 2002–2022

'IAN PAISLEY FOR PRIME MINISTER! SAYS GERRY ADAMS

 |  Socialist Resistance no36  |  page 15-16

This is scanned newsprint, not web text. The original PDFs carried no text layer at all, so every word here was read off the page by OCR. Expect dropped opening letters, run-together words and wrong characters. There was no contents page to cut the paper up by, so the articles were found from the size of their headlines: a headline may carry its kicker, and where an article ran beside a boxed panel a few lines of the neighbour can appear. The scanned issue is the authority; this text is here so the words can be found at all.

become Prime minister of the the state forces a Protestant militia, and root and branch discrimination Laughter greeted nomination of lan Paisley as Prime Minister of the assembly in the North of Ireland. JOHN MCANULTY reports from Belfast. ATTEMPTS to set up a new administration in the North of Ireland were kick started by Gerry Adam' proposing that the greatest proponent of type of bigotry, Ian Paisley, with hoots of derision from the Unionists and with irony by the media. However in time to come the enormity of the Provo capitulation will sink in.

Rarely has a political movement made such a u-turn, endorsing what it was formed to destroy, and Adams' short speech will become a stain that will never wash from Irish republicanism, indicating how unfit the physical The proposal was greeted against Catholics. force tradition is to achieve an Irish democracy or bring about the defeat of British imperialism.

The day of the opening was overshadowed by traffic gridlock in Belfast as Charles and Camilla Windsor visited the Colony. Their visit, timed to coincide with the assembly opening, spelt out none too subtly to both Unionist and Nationalist politicians the unswerving British support for occupation, partition and sectarian division.

Just how unlikely a successful outcome is can be seen • The corrupt vision of the Good Friday agreement has ended in Paisley. when we consider some facts about the two major unionist parties:

• The Ulster Unionist party has at most enough Catholic members to count in one hand.

• It is still led by a ruling council including the sectarian orders.

• That the Democratic Unionist Party Catholic members.

• That the DUP has yet to formally sit down at the same table with Sinn Fein.

Leaving aside the question as to why coalition government Will These should be so desperately promoted by Sinn Fein and Irish nationalism generally, why would they think that such a government is even possible?

The explanation is quite simple, this time, we are told, the British are going to get tough. If lan Paisley does not sign up then Unionism will be punished.

The British will cut down the cash flow and sack the assembly members, all sorts of unpopular measures such as water charges will be introduced, the review of public administration will end the featherbedding of the local population. 'Joint authority' with Dublin will be introduced.

This nationalist fantasy, the source of a slew of statements following the announcement of the Stormont assembly's recall on April 6, lasted all of two days. By Saturday secreLalv of Slalc Hain had announced that there was no possibility of joint authority.

By the following week the political demand from all sides was not for the punishment of unionism, but for Sinn Fein to fully support the RUC/PSNI and join the policing boards.

The response from nationalism was not to protest these new attacks but to endorse them.

Bertie Ahern said on April 6 I hope we will see the restoration COT accountable DOSOLUDOS in Northern Ireland with politicians back in the lead position'

In an attempt to persuade big lan to say yes the British are busy in the background. Honours are showered on Paisley and his cronies.

Money is thrown at the Loyalist paramilitaries. Victims' commission quangos, police board and parades commission are packed with DUP appointees, Orangemen and even representatives of alliance the death squads.

So the central dynamic of the post Good Friday situaNationalism and erstwhile republicanism to a process of shower the sectarians with bribes.

However the outcome of for the foreseeable future. this process is not that Paisley becomes Prime minister. Despite the inducements and the abandonment of the old agreement there seems no prospect at all of restoring a devolved administration.

What this does is confirm the very worst picture that the opponents or umonsum nave painted of the movement and the everyday experience of those old enough to remember unionist government

Their sacred principle of sectarian majority means is that there no section,

who can gradually won over to power sharing or to a society of equal rights. The British search for a moderate majority within unionism, and their policy of concession to encourage this hidden majority, has inevitably led to the Paisleyite victory and the collapse of the Good Friday agreement.

The corrupt vision of the Good Friday agreement has ended in Paisley. The Paisleyite programme is quite simple. They Walll the Stormont of old, with a Protestant government, the state forces a Protestant militia and root and branch discrimination against Catholics.

That programme is impossible. The Catholic minority is much larger and the virulence of Paisley should not blind us to the fact that he is unable to create the all-class

of the DasL Paisleyism is a decaying fragmented rump held together by one man and is itself only tion is the involvement of one section of a fragmented unionism.

Consistent British support endless capitulation to union- is the vital fluid that keeps ist bigots while the British unionism alive, and it is direct rule that will remain the mechanism of British rule

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