They oppose the war and occupation - almost 90 per cent of Iraqis now want foreign troops to withdraw. They protest against the frequent and random housesearches and arrests, which involve beatings, torture and killings (as shown by Abu Ghraib). They fight against the destruction of public services and against rising crime.
Peaceful protests are often broken up and fired on by the occupying forces. Armed militias have sprung up in self-defence.
These target foreign troops and anyone working for the occupation, as well as economic targets such as oil installations (130 in the last six months). Approaching 900 soldiers (mostly American) have been killed. A number of towns are more or less controlled by the militias, and in others there are 'no-go' areas like Sadr City in Baghdad.
The Americans made a big attempt to crush such resistance when they bombarded their way into the town of Fallujah, killing up to 700 people, mostly civilians. However, they were not only forced to withdraw, but to drop demands that the militias disarm and their leaders give themselves up.
This was a huge defeat for the occupiers, showing they cannot win a war against a well-organised guerrilla movement with broad support amongst the population for its main demands.
This military defeat led to a change of tactics, which emphasises deals at local levels. Thus a rather suspicious looking, moustachioed ex-Baathist general has appeared in charge in Fallujah, and attempts are being made to coopt tribal and religious leaders, including the former 'bete noire' of the Americans, Muqtada al Sadr. W inning friends at local level, of course, can
be risky, and can backfire. It may lead to divisions in the future which could pull the country apart in a sort of Balkanisation process. The resultant instability would threaten oil supplies to the West. So it is imperative at the same time that central control is maintained through a 'strong man at the helm, propped up by foreign arms and aid. (sounds familiar)
Which brings us back to the U.N resolution which addresses exactly these issues. What kind of future does it envisage?
Up to 170,000 foreign troops under U.S. command are to remain in Iraq, with no date set for withdrawal. They will have immunity from Iraqi law. In addition, an estimated 30,000 mercenaries (armed 'contractors') will continue to operate in the country, working either alongside the army itself or for the various foreign companies fleecing occupied Iraq.
These people are accountable to no-one. Neither are the huge, unknown number of secret police (mostly CIA) who back up the military presence.
Ignoring Iraqis' wishes for democratic elections, a puppet regime, the Iraqi Interim Government (IIG) will be installed. This has been selected by the US and USappointed predecessor, the Iraqi Governing Council -many of whom simply re-appointed themselves. It was then rubber-stamped by UN envoy Lakhtar Brahimi and welcomed by Secretary General Kofi Anan.
The lIG, like the Governing Council, has been selected on an ethnic, tribal and religious basis. This claims to 'reflect diversity, but is evidently a familiar divide and rule' tactic, co-opting different interests.
However, it has already run into difficulty with package Kurds will have less autonomy then previously. This may reinforce a desire for complete separation, especially as Iraq falls deeper into chaos.
The new lIG will actually have no power to reverse secret police) is proving a great help in recruiting for this band of informers, torturers and assassins.
Should he need any assistance: he can look to the other seat of American power in the country, the huge new U.S. mega-base (the largest in the world, with 1700 staff). In charge here will be ambassador John Negraponte, whose infamous career in the service of American imperialism includes Vietnam, Honduras and El Salvador, and funding the contras in Nicaragua.
It is little wonder then that most Iraqis see the UN package as a grotesque and elaborate fraud. Instead of bringing sovereignty and independence it will perpetuate military occupation and turn their country into a client state of the West.
A Baghdad driver told The Independent: "In one sense the Americans are transferring power, but only to their own agents. The new government are all pawns of the CIA"
Others have given their reply through the • increase in attacks on the occupiers and their
collaborators. Scores have been killed and hundreds injured, including two members of the new government and an oil boss. Numerous oil pipelines and installations have also been blown up, including the main export terminal in the South.
For us in Britain, it is vital to use the strength of the anti-war movement to build solidarity with the Iraqi peo ple. We need to highlight the lies spun about the occupation, as we the lies spun about the war itself. We must fight for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops
We need to work to organise practical aid, especially medical help, which is urgently needed. We need to picket the offices here of companies seeking rich pickings from the war and occupation.
We need to condemn the wasteful and toxic dependency of our societies on oil, and the wars and catastrophes which this creates. Alternative, renewable energ sources can be developed, if only the obscene amount o money spent on imperialist wars was invested in solar water, wind and other power
Perhaps we could also organise a 'People's Tribuna like the Russell Tribunal during the Vietnam war. This could dig deep into the histories of all those liars, rogue and criminals who have brought Iraq to its present tragk devastation, some of whom are about to further bleed r dry in their own economic interests - from Saddar Hussein to Bush and Blair to Chalabi and Alaw and mer ilk to John Negraponte.
page 18 of the scan
• • • • International Resistance: Palestine ce Summer 2004