Resistance, we have argued for the ince the formation of Socialist
establishment of a broad anti-capitalist party in England along the lines of the SSP in Scotland. Therefore we strongly welcome the steps that have been taken to establish Respect - the Unity Coalition.
Along with the SSP, Respect is potentially the most important development on the British left since the building of broad anticapitalist parties was put centre-stage, in the mid-1990s, by the rise of Blairism.
The working class movement desperately needs parties that can reach out to the wider working class, in today's conditions, by uniting revolutionary socialists with many others who want to fight against the right-wing and reactionary policies of new Labour. We need parties that can function effectively at both the electoral and campaigning levels.
The emergence of Respect, at this time, cannot be understood without an appreciation of the success and vitality of the anti-war movement in England and the unity it forged between a wide range of political traditions in the process. It did not stop the war, of course, but it was the most important and effective broad campaigning coalition which had been built in England for many years, and it had mass support - it was, and remains, a genuine mass movement
It was clear from the first big demonstration in September 2002 in London
that the anti-war movement was going to be something extraordinary. That demonstration was followed on February 15 2003 by the biggest political demonstration in British history. We were part of a movement which had a unique potential to reshape and revitalise the left - if the left was prepared to grasp the opportunity.
The anti-war movement certainly reshaped prospects for the Blairites. It triggered their biggest political crisis since they came to office. This crisis was not just because of the failure to find weapons of mass destruction, or even the exposure of the full range of lies used by Bush and Blair to justify the war. It was the creation of a mass, organised, conscious opposition to the war that gave it its political clout. This had its impact at every level of politics, including inside the parliamentary Labour Party and the unions
At the same time people were confronted by new Labour's increasingly reactionary social policy. This was the government that was prepared to use the law to smash the fire fighters' strike. This was the government that had introduced tuition fees, was privatising schools and letting profit dictate what happens in the health service. It was the government that had stoked up racism, and strengthened the far right, by its continuous, and scandalous, attacks on immigrants and asylum seekers.
Labour supporters were faced with the fact that today's Labour government is actually worse than its Tory predecessor on many of these issues.
It was the potent combination of these factors - the war and Labour's social policy -which prized open still further the looming gulf between new Labour and its traditional supporters, which has been growing for years.
It is this gulf that has presented the opportunity to the left to break from its traditional sectarianism and isolationism and build something new. This challenge has been posed right across Europe, as social democracy has embraced the neo-liberal agenda as its own. In many other countries, new political formations have begun to be built which both on the streets and at the ballot box give a concrete voice to the aspiration that another world is both possible and necessary.
In fact the task in England has been clear enough for some time: to build a new political organisation that could build on the suc the Me altion (SEWIC) could not itself was not so easy. The maturity of cess of the anti-war movement. The Stop become a political organisation and stand in elections - that is not its role.
But there is ample space and indeed necessity for a new organisation, which can challenge the neo-liberalism of Blair and his cronies both at home and abroad. Such an organisation should realistically aim to attract the bulk of the socialist segment of the StWC, along with many who have been attracted to socialist, anti-capitalist, or antiimperialist ideas in the course of the campaign.
This would potentially include many of the young Muslim activists who had been attracted to the campaign because of the way they
GRANTS NOT FEES saw Islam as targeted by the war drive and the conclusions they drew in the process.
The AGM of the Socialist Alliance in May 2003 - soon after the invasion of Iraq had been completed - recognised this clearly. A resolution was adopted which recognised the scale of the opportunities involved. The resolution called for a realignment of the left out of the stop the war movement and put no conditions on the organisational form that this might take - an expanded SA or a completely new organisation of which the Alliance would be a part.
Achieving this objective, however, the political situation itself was not enough.
The Alliance made its call in the summer of 2003, in its pamphlet "Building a Socialist Alternative". The Communist Party of Britain which had been an important component of the StWC and a potential component of a realignment, voted overwhelmingly on its executive not to become involved at that time.
This was because they were looking towards the trade union left - the awkward Squad - which would be a crucial component of any such new organisation. At that point these trade union leaders had linked up The new organisation should realistically aim to attract the bulk of the socialist segment of the StWC, along with many who have been attracted to socialist, anticapitalist, or antiimperialist ideas in the course of the anti-war campaign. with the Campaign group MPs in a debate about reclaiming old Labour.
This idea got nowhere at LP conference, of course, but continued as a significant strand in the debate: i.e. was the key task to build an alternative inside or outside of the LP? Although some useful discussions were held with some of the left trade union leaders, the SA initiative was at an impasse.
The expulsion of George Galloway dramatically opened the situation up and broke
UNISON STOP FEES NOW the logjam. To his great credit, within days of his expulsion, Galloway made a forthright call for a new political formation to fight in the European elections, saying that he was prepared to go onto the list if asked.
George Galloway was the most prominent and effective spokes person of the antiwar movement. He is, therefore, a catalyst which could trigger a development which was already present in the political situation.
Is a Labour MP, he was in a unique position to call for a new moveAment. In fact he is the first Labour MP in modern times to make such a break. When Livingstone was expelled he not only rejected such a move but called on others to stay in the LP. Galloway says he has no intention of applying for readmission.
This is the opportunity and the challenge facing Respect at its launch Convention or January 25, and one which we have the confidence to face. This initiative has come together quickly and the Convention of the Left will itself be only one staging post in a longer process (see p2). But there can be no doubt that these developments give us the best opportunity that we have seen in a very long time to put forward a serious and credi ble challenge to Blairism on the streets and at the ballot box.
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4 soc a stres A New Year of New Labour nee January 2004 •