After the tsunami which struck in the Indian Ocean in 2004 we needed to take into account the breadth of natural disasters. The following year, New Orleans was devastated by hurricane Katrina; then northern Pakistan and Kashmir by an earthquake. In 2006 | presented a report reflecting on these disasters, treating them as an element of the world situation, analysing in their social bases the "aid policies" implemented by the powers that be, opening a discussion on our own responsibilities. This report showed that the solidarity provided by progressive organisations "on the ground" was effective both during the emergency and in the long term. I looked at Pakistan where the first "hard" houses rebuilt in Kashmir were thanks to the campaign launched by the Labour Education Foundation and the Labour Party Pakistan. I referred to the action led by Areds in Tamil Nadu (India), where Dalits ("untouchables") and fisher peoples were mobilized together, beyond caste barriers. The boats rebuilt in the coastal villages became the collective property of women: reconstruction should not reproduce past inequalities - but be "better", strengthening popular solidarity and combating dependency. Reconstructing "better" is a struggle. Humanitarian disasters sharpen social inequality and oppression, the elite seeking to benefit from the state of dependency and shock of the affected populations. The development of tourist complexes instead of villages wiped off the map by a tsunami is a classic example. An international "movements to movements" effort helps people better defend their rights in all stages from emergency aid to reconstruction The political conclusions drawn in 2006 seem confirmed, but it is important to review recent developments and questions which were not dealt with. The extension and aggravation of extreme climatic phenomena Typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda, which hit the Philippines in 2013 is the most violent cyclone ever recorded to reach land. It should be class 6 (international classification) or class 5 (Philippine classification) - however these levels do not exist, the highest class being 5 (or 4 in the Philippines), indicating the novelty of the phenomenon. Global warming leads to an increase in the average temperature of water, thus its level rises - and thus the average gravity of inundations of marine origin, along the coasts. Thus, the elevation of the water level combined with the power of the winds (with speeds exceeding 300 km per hour) leading to a massive level destruction in the central Extreme climatic phenomena are not confined to the South. This winter, France and Britain suffered an unusual succession of violent storms (with speeds exceeding 150 km per hour), leading to destruction on the coasts and repeated flooding. The USA has experienced according to the region drought or exceptional cold (the winter being on the contrary especially mild in Western Europe). The interaction of "natural" disasters with other socio-humanitarian disasters For a long time climate chaos has deepened conflicts, in particular for the control of water. Three recent examples illustrate how natural disasters can provoke (or combine with) The most dramatic example is north east Japan where, in 2011, on the basis of irresponsibility and lack of preparation of the industrialists and the government, an earthquake followed by a devastating tsunami led to the nuclear disaster of Fukushima, the most serious since Chernobyl. Many nuclear power stations have been built along coasts, indeed in earthA significant part of Bangladesh is threatened by floods linked to tropical storms. Climate refugees, forced to leave their villages, are already numerous. Migratory flows, including across borders, are increasing in a context of social crisis which, in India as in Bangladesh, sharpens inter-communal tensions. In the Philippines, typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda
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affected millions. The affected zones included the most deprived peoples of the archipelago and risks plunging them into still greater structural poverty. Numerous climate refugees fled to the cities erecting shanty towns. An extra effort was demanded of Philippine migrants working - with or without papers - in numerous countries, who sent a lot of money to their families. The social shock wave of an extreme climatic phenomenon extends well beyond the areas directly The countries of the North are generally better equipped to face climatic disasters and limit their social effects. But with the rise of precarity, or deep economic and social insecurity, in these societies and the increasingly drastic reduction of the resources devoted to public solidarity policies, there could be a "third worldisation" of a part of Europe or the USA. Capital, from inaction to negative action Faced with the global ecological crisis, continue as if nothing happened - such has been the philosophy of the capitalist lobbies and the governments who follow their order. The climatic crisis is an opportunity for immense capitalist profits. One can ensure profits by producing in a polluting way - and new profits by selling systems of de-pollution. Geo-engineering seeks to elevate this logic to the planetary scale: dump iron filings in the oceans to capture CO2 or disperse sulphur in the atmosphere to reduce the temperature, or put giant spatial mirrors into orbit to reflect the sun's rays. Research and experimentation in climate and geo-engineering are already underway - with support from public finance. Their implementation will lead to increased acid rain and modification of marine ecosystems whose consequences cannot be entirely foreseen. It will also involve a new leap forward in production, and its impact on climate chaos and the more general ecological crisis: an infernal spiral. However, ecological rationality counts for little faced with the attraction of geo engineering for capitalists: beyond immense profits, it promises the creation of new oligopolies benefiting from a profitable position through their control of planetary systems - with as counterpoint the strengthening of their dictatorial political From all this, I draw three conclusions: • The effects of the climate crisis are increasingly felt. The source of the problem must be attacked by opposing to the capitalist logic a public logic based on social and ecological needs, so as to limit and then stop global warming, necessarily involving radical anti-capitalist measures. But we must take into account the fact that the crisis is a current fact, that it has consequences that we must integrate into our analysis and • The first of these tasks remains the deployment of solidarity independent of the established powers. That was the main conclusion of the 2006 report. We cannot rely on the institutions or "aid professionals". Some progress has been made in this area, but it has been limited. We cannot respond alone to the problem posed. It is very important to bring together progressive organisations involved in this areas of action, trade unions, peasant movements, etc. • We must continue to learn from a still very recent experience and fill the gaps in the 2006 report. We need a collective reflection on a field of intervention whose importance grows, but which remains largely new to us. We don't reflect in a vacuum: we have to learn from the movements involved in humanitarian aid for a long time. But in some countries, such as the Philippines, our own experience is sufficiently rich to inform our thinking. I want to approach three questions: the principles of humanitarian aid, the question of climate refugees as a new social sector, prevention policy - and stress the importance of the choices made in the area of reconstruction. The rules of humanitarian aid Humanitarian action is not above politics. The elites seek to profit from the crisis to strengthen their grip on society and favour their own interests. On the other hand, we seek to help the most deprived so that they can defend their own interests including during socio-economic reconstruction. As such, however, one could conclude that "everything is political" ignoring the rules of humanitarian action in times of disaster. Let's draw a parallel with medical action. A group of progressive doctors choose to practice in a poor neighbourhood rather than a rich one; but where they practice, they treat everyone, rich or poor. We choose to prioritize aid to deprived communities, often where institutional aid is non-existent, insufficient or late; but the aid will be distributed according to need (breadth of destruction to which each family has been victim, their state of deprivation etc) without making their respective political positions a This question is especially sensitive after large scale climatic disasters: the social tissue is destroyed and survivors profoundly traumatized, losing their sense of being free Beyond their relatives, the survivors have often lost everything: housing, property, but also means of existence (fishing boats, farming or transport equipment, plantations, sources of employment etc) - the economy itself is devastated. They must start from zero. The bigger the area affected, the deeper the feeling of abandonment - the feeling of having no future. Social movements do not generally stand up to a major cataclysm and, at best need time to recover a capacity of action. For example, in Tacloban (the main port of the island of Leyte), after typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda, the militant tricycle drivers union was atomized. It had to rebuild and take care of the families of members plunged into distress before the union could play any role as social actor. Emergency aid is aimed at those most in need, but also aims to recreate the conditions need to resume collective activity. Established powers (wealthy families, clientelist parties, identity-based churches and so on) will demand a 'debt of recognition' for the (more or less real) aid What should be the link between humanitarian action with "apolitical" principles (offering unconditional aid to the affected populations) and political engagement among popular layers struggling for their rights in a time of crisis? The established powers seek to perpetuate a state of dependency; we favour self-affirmation and independence; Climate refugees: social sector, social movement Recent experience shows that in countries struck by recurrent climatic disasters, a new social milieu, appears: the "surviving" populations, climate refugees. If the rich have the necessary resources to rapidly regain their footing in society this is not true of the poor (or those pauperized by the disaster). In the absence of massive and effective public intervention in their favour, condemned to suffer the consequences of such disasters for a long time; while other cataclysms create new surviving populations - or strike anew the victims of the previous one! Humanitarian disasters are not new in Mindanao, particularly because of recurrent military conflict. But it is only recently that high intensity cyclones have become more frequent in the Philippine south (previously they were more common in the centre or
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north). In December 2011, typhoon Washi/ Sendong and floods devastated the coastal regions where our comrades are active, notably in lligan, in the popular neighbourhoods where they are based. For the first time, they were directly confronted with the devastating effects of such disasters - and the appearance of climate refuges. They mobilized their networks: allowing them to be better prepared when a still more violent typhoon, Haiyan/Yolanda, hit Leyte in the centre of the archipelago. Movements of "survivors" were created and led by victims of climate disaster. Two years later, while the fight for their rights continues in lligan, cadres emerging from this experience went to Leyte to bring aid to the victims: these movements are of a long term nature, and recognize each other, help each other, make links, and affirm themselves at the national - and, why not, international -level. The affected populations have a right to hope for aid and solidarity. But beyond this, we must respond to the emergence of a new social sector of climate refugees demanding specific forms of organisation - this could involve millions of people! From the depth of disaster, the classic questions we face in mobilisations are posed particularly sharply: inequalities of class status and gender, communal tensions, racism and religious intolerance, casteism (when there are castes), violence towards women, the specific needs of children etc. Intervening in this social sector is complex - it is necessary to learn from experience - and it is a major issue which concerns us all. It is not a fleeting, marginal responsibility, the affair of an ad hoc commission and some "specialists" in humanitarian aid. We must understand what is new, be capable of mobilizing activist resources, supporting long term action; know how to react immediately when a new area is struck etc. The policy of risk prevention The 2006 report did not give the policy of risk prevention the importance it deserves.
For the increasingly numerous countries affected by extreme and recurrent climate phenomena, this is not a vague "precautionary principle": the risks are known. If governments prove impotent, it is in full knowledge of the situation.
They fail in their responsibilities for many reasons: indifference of the élites to the fate of the poor, corruption etc. In the Philippines for example, the distribution of funds and the implementation of national aid takes place via local authorities not to strengthen direct democracy, but because, in a clientelist regime, this strengthens relationships of patronage. A major climate disaster renders local authorities impotent and the system seizes up. More generally, prevention is not limited to a set of "technical" measures (availability aid etc). One cannot, for example, anticipate the risks of flooding linked to torrential floods or rising oceans without taking on powerful lobbies: mines, agro-industry, real estate, tourism, financial speculation etc. This demands the state prioritize the common interest rather than capitalist interests. There is a close link between an emergency programme seeking to protect the population and a set of "transitional demands" whose legitimacy is evident (about avoiding humanitarian disasters!) and which for involve taking on the omnipotence of Capital. Reconstruction policy The 2006 report stressed that reconstruction raises directly both agrarian and urban reform. It means both demands made on the authorities, but also things survivors' movements can initiate themselves. In devastated villages, rebuilding houses is not enough; the general conditions of existence need to be reconstituted. The authorities should give affected families plots of land which allow people to produce without for example waiting for new coconut palms to mature. The movements can reanimate a peasant agriculture which helps to stabilize the social fabric, to break dependence on monocultures or landowners, ensuring a healthier environment for children - and which participates in a struggle against global warming. The exchange of experience is crucial here: peasants * Ecosocialism engaged for years in organic farming in Mindanao contribute their know how to disaster-struck rural communities in Leyte. In the towns, the reconstruction in popular neighbourhoods by the authorities can lead to disastrous situations when funds are diverted, when minimum architectural standards are ignored, those affected by the disaster end up far from areas of work, public transport or health services; when ghettoized, crime ridden areas are created etc. The fight for the right to housing and urban planning in the interests of the poor takes on a vital character. The struggle of the climate refugees thus is linked to that of the peasant and urban poor movements, favouring the formation of coalitions from local to national level. International solidarity The coalition Mi-HANDs (Mindanao) was set up in response to the devastation produced by typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda. It has made a considerable effort to bring aid to the affected communities in Leyte. It relies on the capacity to mobilize activist resources, but also the financial support that it has received internationally. Not counting loans, Mi-HANDs has so far received 32,000 euros - around 1,000 euros collected locally, 10,000 received from Belgium and 21,000 sent via the campaign initiated by Europe solidaire sans frontières (ESSF). This support continues, Mi-HANDs is involved in a new stage: rehabilitation and reconstruction of the devastated villages. ESSF has received the support of number of persons and organisations but its resources remain far too limited. It can only initiate one or two financial campaigns per year, exclusively aimed at Asia. The amounts collected are insufficient in relation to what is needed. ESSF cannot work with its local partners for as long as is necessary (big solidarity associations undertake reconstruction programmes over 10 years. So the basis of solidarity must be widened. We face a difficulty: the loss of traditions of "popular solidarity", of "movements to movements". Mostly, progressive organisations have not been involved for very long in this area, leaving it to specialized NGOs and associations. At best, a union will send aid to its sister organisation in a country affected by a humanitarian disaster. We have much to learn. We must also encourage other progressive parties and movements to participate on this terrain and encourage the taking into account of this question in activist networks. We have our modest role to play in the development of this internationalist commitment and the political reflection it involves.